‘Jim Crow’ Land Ownership Spurs Black Farmers’ Appeals To Biden
Joe Hamilton, who manages a 26-acre tree farm in South Carolina, knows first hand how : ‘Jim Crow’ Land Ownership Spurs Black Farmers’ Appeals To Biden
His is among many Black, Appalachian, Native American, and Hispanic families to grapple with heirs’ property—a type of collective ownership passed down, often to multiple relatives, without a will.
The 68-year-old spent three years tracing his family tree to identify the other part-owners of his family land, sorting through documents, cemeteries, and Bibles. The land originally belonged to his great-grandfather, a freed slave who received almost 888 acres from a former slave owner.
The land passed through generations to Hamilton, leaving him to resolve its legal status. Over time, much of the land had been lost, stolen and bartered as his ancestors lacked rights, along with the necessary equipment and animals to farm. Just 44.4 acres remained when it was eventually divided between seven family members.
“Many Black land owners do not trust the process,” Hamilton said. “The reason that heirs’ property is so prevalent is we have been taken advantage of.”
Heirs’ property operators, lacking clear ownership, can’t qualify for certain federal programs, receive disaster assistance or use their land as loan collateral. Those hurdles have contributed significantly to farmers losing their land, with more than 60% of all Black-owned land estimated to be heirs’ property, according to the Federation of Southern Cooperatives/Land Assistance Fund.
Black farmers like Hamilton and other producers struggling with heirs’ property ownership now want President-elect Joe Biden’s Agriculture Department and its new secretary to help them find ways to hold onto their land. Congress and the agency offered some remedies in the 2018 farm law (Public Law 115-334), but legislators and advocates say more assistance is needed.
There are only about 45,500 Black agricultural producers—1.3% of the total number of producers, the most recent agricultural census data show. A century ago, 14% of American farmers were Black.
Forced Land Sales
Multiple people sharing heirs’ property leaves farmers vulnerable to a family member going to court to force a sale, said Thomas Mitchell, a law professor at Texas A&M University. For decades, courts have routinely obliged in heirs’ property cases, particularly in disadvantaged communities, he said.
Heirs’ property owners often don’t recognize how disfavored they are, Mitchell said, calling the system “the present-day manifestation of Jim Crow.”
He described the past few years as the “golden age” of interest in heirs’ property, pointing to many families hiring lawyers to change their land ownership. To do so, every part-owner of the property must agree, Mitchell said.
“Especially with heirs’ properties in communities of color, by the time it’s now in its third generation, you’re not talking two people,” said Mitchell, a 2020 fellow at the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. “You’re talking 10, 20, 50, 100, 200, and it just takes the inability to get one.”
He was the principal drafter of the Uniform Partition of Heirs Property Act, which aims to protect families from those seeking to acquire a small share of their heirs’ property in order to file a partition action and force a sale. Seventeen states and the U.S. Virgin Islands have enacted the law.
Heirs’ property complications also impede crop production, said John Schelhas, a research forester with the Agriculture Department’s Southern Research Station. Because operators often receive low returns on their investments, properties instead are ignored and allowed to grow untamed, he said.
“People hang onto it because it’s important to their family,” Schelhas said. “They know their relatives worked really hard to get ahold of the land at a time when it was really hard for African Americans to buy land and to hold onto land.”
Hamilton said the value of his land isn’t just monetary, and described how his great-grandfather signed a piece of paper with an “X” to assume ownership of the property because he had no education. The land, and Hamilton, are both part of his legacy.
“Every material thing has a price, but there are some things, ma’am, that you just cannot buy,” he said.
2018 Farm Law
Heirs’ property operators looking to clear their titles got some relief from the 2018 farm law, which empowered the Farm Service Agency to give money to intermediaries, such as banks, for loans. The law also extended their eligibility for obtaining Agriculture Department farm numbers that the agency uses to identify farms for access to its programs.
To ensure farmland stays in the right hands, “we created the heirs property program in the 2018 Farm Bill and funded it for the first time last year,” said House Agriculture Appropriations Subcommittee Chairman Sanford Bishop (D-Ga.). Regulations for the lending program will be published soon, an Agriculture Department spokesperson said.
The fiscal 2020 appropriations law provided $18.2 million in loan authority to resolve ownership and succession on farmland with multiple owners, a staffer for Bishop said. Fiscal 2021 legislation for both the House and Senate would provide $33.7 million in loan authority.
Jennie Stephens, chief executive officer at the Center for Heirs’ Property Preservation, said she doesn’t agree with the legislation’s lending provisions for heirs’ property owners.
“If you don’t have clear title, what are you going to use for collateral?” Stephens said. “These are people who are already having financial difficulties because they’re land-rich, cash-poor.”
Instead of providing loans to individuals, the government should offer grants to nonprofits that help families resolve their titles, becoming a forgivable loan if the heirs’ property owners keep their land for a certain period of time, she said.
‘Black Farmers And Reparations’
Democratic Sens. Cory Booker (N.J.), Elizabeth Warren (Mass.) and Kirsten Gillibrand (N.Y.) recently introduced a bill (S. 4929) to confront inequities faced by Black farmers. It currently lacks GOP cosponsors.
The measure would establish an independent civil rights oversight board to review appeals of civil rights complaints filed against the Agriculture Department and investigate reports of discrimination.
It would also boost the funding authorization for the lending program created under the 2018 farm law, and provide money to offer free legal assistance to Black farmers.
The legislation would form and fund a new bank to provide financing and grants to Black farmer and rancher cooperative financial institutions, and create an Equitable Land Access Service within the Agriculture Department to obtain farmland and provide grants to existing and aspiring Black farmers, among other policies.
The legislation would lead to “a programmatic transform of how the government deals with Black farmers and reparations,” along with heirs’ property, Savi Horne, executive director of the North Carolina Association of Black Lawyers Land Loss Prevention Project, said.
Horne credits the recent rise in the population of Black farmers to the past three farm bills, work by nonprofits, and shifts happening within the Agriculture Department, adding that the agency now could focus on boosting participation and resources for socially-disadvantaged farmers.
House Agriculture Committee member Stacey Plaskett (D-U.S. Virgin Islands), who represents an area with a history of farming and land ownership struggles, said she hopes Biden’s Agriculture Department makes it a priority to support Black farmers, “recognizing that there were past wrongs done.”
Hurting Farmers Look To Biden’s USDA Pick To Fix Mounting Woes
Plaskett pointed to two federal programs: one that aids beginning farmers and ranchers through mentoring and education and another that conducts outreach and technical assistance for socially disadvantaged agricultural producers and foresters.
Hamilton himself plans to pursue a law degree and eventually provide free legal advice to people with heirs’ property issues, with the contingency that those he helps then help someone else. He said he wants to assist Black land owners and farmers in breaking the cycle of loss.
John Boyd Jr., president of the National Black Farmers Association, said major changes within the Agriculture Department and leadership by the agriculture secretary could help Biden’s administration better serve Black agriculture producers.
Democratic contenders to head the agency include former Sen. Heidi Heitkamp (N.D.), former Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack, Reps. Cheri Bustos (Ill.) and Marcia Fudge (Ohio). If chosen, Fudge would be the first Black woman to fill the role.
“I’m hoping at the very least there would be an agriculture secretary who would have his door open for us,” Boyd said. “That’s where change comes in.”
For Black Farmers, Is Justice Finally On The Way?
After decades of discrimination and inequality, a new bill might offer real relief.
In 1920, 14.7% of American farmers were Black. A century later, only 1.4% are — and they earn less money, receive less government support, and occupy smaller farms on average than do their white counterparts. Of the many ailments afflicting rural America in 2020, these racial disparities are some of the most enduring and under-discussed. Is that about to change?
Last month, Senator Cory Booker introduced legislation intended to support Black farmers and encourage more African Americans to enter agriculture. It envisions a new system of land grants, better oversight of government farm aid and remedies for decades of discriminatory policies. More ambitiously, it also attempts to reimagine the farm work of the future. “This can really help with farm innovation, the farming of tomorrow,” Booker told me in a phone call. “Whether it’s organic farmers, or new creative ways of growing food in this country.”
He’ll have his work cut out for him. The disparities in the U.S. agricultural economy were centuries in the making. After the Civil War, General William T. Sherman’s famous bequest, often remembered as “40 acres and a mule,” was quickly overturned by President Andrew Johnson. The Southern Homestead Act was passed in 1866 with the goal of passing land to freed slaves and others, but few of the region’s impoverished Blacks could take advantage of it.
Despite these obstacles, determined Black farmers had made considerable progress by the early 20th century. Between 1890 and 1910, the number of Black farm owners in the South nearly doubled, from 113,580 to 207,815. Unfortunately, that turned out to be the high water mark. From 1910 to 1997, Black Americans lost about 90% of their farmland. They weren’t alone; thanks to federal policies that boosted large farms (“get big or get out”), small-farm owners of all races lost land during this period. But Black farmers lost far more: Had they left agriculture at the same rate as whites, there would be at least a quarter-million more Black farmers around today.
Several factors account for the harsh toll. First, because only 23% of Black Americans have wills, their estates often become “heirs’ property,” meaning that fractional interests in their real-estate assets are passed down to multiple relatives. Over time, the ownership interests increase, and the estate becomes vulnerable to developers and speculators who can use legal loopholes to acquire it.
Another factor has been disparities in government assistance, dating back decades. In 1965, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights issued a report on farm programs in which it noted, regarding the (now defunct) Farmers Home Administration: “Poor whites receive FHA assistance to acquire or expand their farms, to stock and equip them, to improve their housing or financial position. This is rarely ever the case for negroes.”
Such inequities were widespread. “Because of certain practices, like giving loans out when it was too late to get the kinds of resources you needed to harvest crops, they were ultimately cheated out of their land,” Booker said, referring to Black farmers. “It has hurt African Americans dramatically in this country.” As recently as 2019, the Government Accountability Office determined that “socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers” received “proportionately fewer loans and farm credit overall” than did those who were better off. It cited discrimination as one potential factor.
Booker’s Justice for Black Farmers Act offers a bold template for remediating such abuses. Among other steps, it establishes an independent Civil Rights Oversight Board at the Department of Agriculture and boosts funding for a program that assists in the resolution of property-succession issues. If enacted, both initiatives would make a real difference to Black farmers and their families.
But Booker doesn’t just want to remedy the past. He wants to ensure that African Americans play a role in farming’s future. Since 2014, locally and regionally produced food has been the fastest growing sector of U.S. agriculture. Some is organic, much is grown using sustainable methods, and almost all is marketed through channels such as farmers’ markets and community cooperatives. Thanks to the pandemic, and a growing interest in sustainable food generally, those locally focused producers are poised to make significant gains in the years ahead.
Booker’s bill could place Black farmers at the vanguard of this revolution. It authorizes the USDA to spend up to $8 billion a year acquiring land and granting it in 160-acre plots to Black farmers. (There is precedent: The 1862 Homestead Act gave away 270 million acres in 160-acre increments, mostly to white settlers.) In return, the grantees must undergo training focused on “regenerating the soil, ecosystem, and local community.” To help such small farms compete, the bill increases funding to existing programs that promote locally focused agriculture, such as farmers’ markets and the producers who supply them.
It’s an expansive vision, and one that won’t be easy to enact. Nonetheless, Booker has reasons to be optimistic. During the 2020 campaign, President-elect Joe Biden appealed directly to Black farmers, promising to address racial inequities in agriculture, and he’s likely to follow through at the USDA.
Meanwhile, the House Agriculture Committee just elected its first-ever Black chairman, Representative David Scott, who has already expressed support for Booker’s idea.
Passing the bill would be a major victory for racial justice. It also just might herald big changes ahead for rural America. “I think there is a potential for a real food revolution to come about,” Booker told me, “and have farmers lead it.”
Black Farmers Head To Capitol Hill To Fight For Economic Relief
Black farmers received $20.8 million from Trump’s Covid relief packages. Now, the American Rescue Plan dedicates $5 billion to farmers of color. The inequity is part of a long legacy of discrimination.
Tucked into President Joe Biden’s $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan is a $5 billion relief package for minority farmers — about a quarter of whom are Black. The funds are meant to help those hardest hit by a legacy of discrimination and a cycle of debt that has skewed landownership in the United States to be 98% White.
That inequity stretches back to more than a century ago, but it’s just as evident now: Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack said just 0.1% of Trump’s Covid-19 relief for American farmers went to Black farmers, according to an interview in the Washington Post Thursday. That means Black farmers got $20.8 million of $26 billion in two rounds of payments from the Trump administration.
John Boyd, a Virginia farmer and president of the National Black Farmers Association, will today testify before the House Agriculture Committee on Thursday to call for accountability from Vilsack and the USDA on relief for Black farmers.
“Doors continue to be closed to many Black farmers and today our members face enormous challenges, including a system that disproportionately leaves them behind,” Boyd said in a statement ahead of his testimony.
It’s not the first time Boyd will be in front of Congress to testify on the state of Black farmers in America.
In between the 1960s civil rights movement and the Black Lives Matter movement lies a lesser-known fight for equality.
Starting in the 1990s, Black farmers fought back against a system of discrimination long perpetuated by the U.S. government. Specifically, the Department of Agriculture.
This week on The Pay Check, we look at the role of farming, and farm land, in the racial wealth gap. In the U.S., the top five White landowners in the U.S. own more land than all the Black landowners combined. This episode tells the story of the largest class action lawsuit in U.S. history, Pigford v. Glickman, where tens of thousands of Black farmers sued the USDA, and won.
Pigford, and a subsequent suit called Pigford II, funnelled $2 billion into the hands of Black farmers. The payments were meant to compensate for the USDA’s discrimination against Black farmers when doling out loans and disaster payments, an inequality that led to foreclosures and millions of acres of lost farmland.
The settlement delivered what some consider the nation’s first meaningful approximation of reparations for Black Americans, and it underscored the forces that have caused Black people to lose 90% of their land since 1910.
Today, Black people own less than 1% of America’s farm lands. White people basically own the rest.
Thomas Mitchell, a law professor at Texas A&M University, estimates that the lost land and economic potential add up to a $1 trillion impact that laid the groundwork for White people to accumulate almost seven times more wealth than Black people today.
Boyd stresses the importance of owning the land he farms on episode 3 of The Pay Check podcast. “Land is the most powerful tool that you can possess,” he says.
“If you don’t own any land as a group of people, you don’t have any bargaining power.”
When Boyd bought his first farm in 1984 as an 18-year-old, he couldn’t have imagined that more than a decade later he’d be guiding two mules — named “40 acres” and “Struggle” — around Washington, D.C., to protest racist lending practices. He just wanted to carry on his family’s tradition of farming, which stretched back to the Civil War.
“My grandfather would say ‘You can’t leave your PhD to your children, but I can leave my poor raggedy farm. You know, give them some financial stability.’ Land is it,” says Boyd.
But keeping his land, as Boyd and so many other Black farmers would later find out, wouldn’t be easy. Particularly vexing were his dealings with a local USDA loan officer, who he says rejected his loan requests and spat on him.
Over and over, Boyd was denied the annual operating loans that virtually all farmers need to keep their businesses afloat. Without the loans, he lost his ability to plant and earn money off his farm. He fell behind on his debt, and his land was eventually seized.
That launched Boyd into a decades-long fight that eventually culminated in the two class action lawsuits. As a result of the suits, the USDA paid out $2 billion — mostly in $50,000 payments –to thousands of farmers who experienced discrimination at the hands of the U.S. government.
For many farmers, the money was “a real shot in the arm,” Boyd says. But it was only one step toward reversing a century and a half of discrimination at the hands of the U.S. government. “Did it give the land back? No. Was it enough to make the discrimination go away from the USDA? The answer is no,” he says.
Biden Aid Plan For Black Farmers Is Blocked In Court As Biased
A federal judge in Florida blocked the Biden administration from distributing $4 billion in stimulus debt-relief aid to “socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers” over concerns that the plan discriminates against White people.
U.S. District Judge Marcia Morales Howard in Jacksonville on Wednesday issued an injunction against the plan, saying a White farmer who sued the Department of Agriculture alleging bias is likely to succeed if the case goes to trial.
At issue is the definition of “socially disadvantaged” in the provision of farm loan-forgiveness aid included in the $1.9 trillion pandemic-relief bill. The Agriculture Department has said the plan was designed to remedy past discrimination against Black and other minority farmers in the distribution of government assistance.
But the judge said the Biden administration had so far failed to justify using race as a factor in forgiving farm loans. “There is little evidence that the Government gave serious consideration to, or tried, race-neutral alternatives” to the provision, Howard, a George W. Bush appointee, said in her ruling.
Howard is the second federal judge to block the plan in response to a lawsuit by a White farmer. U.S. District Judge William Griesbach in Milwaukee issued a restraining order against it earlier this month.
A number of similar suits have been filed, including one in Texas by America First Legal, a conservative legal group launched in April by former top Trump aides Stephen Miller and Mark Meadows, among others. That suit alleges the Biden loan-forgiveness plan violates the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by discriminating against “Irish, Italians, Germans, Jews and eastern Europeans.”
The Agriculture Department didn’t immediately respond to a message seeking comment on Howard’s ruling. It previously said it would vigorously defend the plan following the Milwaukee ruling.
In the Florida case, Howard dismissed evidence presented by the government showing relief efforts during Donald Trump’s presidency had almost exclusively benefited White farmers, saying the reason for the lopsided impact was due to types of farms receiving aid — not the race of the owners.
She also questioned the plan’s inclusion of Asians, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders, saying there was “exceedingly thin” evidence of discrimination against those groups in government farm programs.
“The overinclusive nature of the relief casts doubt on its necessity,” the judge said.
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