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Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

NSO Group’s Pegasus software was used routinely to listen in on conversations with US, UK and EU officials, prompting investigations into abuses of its shockingly affordable military-grade surveillance. Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

Carine Kanimba used to dismiss her dad’s warnings to watch her back as parental overprotectiveness. While she knew he had enemies back in Rwanda, she was intent on enjoying her 20s, with the nights out to prove it.

Someone had broken into the family home in Brussels, but she was working a finance job in New York, where the threat felt remote. “We all would say, like, ‘we get it, but we’re fine,’ ” she says.

Kanimba’s father had better reason than most dads to be careful. He’s Paul Rusesabagina, the former manager of the Hôtel des Milles Collines in Kigali who famously sheltered hundreds of people fleeing Rwanda’s 1994 genocide.


Rusesabagina adopted Kanimba and her brother after their biological parents died in the pogroms with 800,000 others.

The family stayed in Rwanda for a couple of years after that, until an assassination attempt drove them to seek asylum in Belgium and, later, settle in San Antonio.

Starting in 2004, after Don Cheadle played him in Hotel Rwanda, Rusesabagina became, if not a household name, one of Rwanda’s most famous exiles.

He spoke about his experience to human-rights groups and at political confabs around the world. George W. Bush awarded him the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

Rusesabagina also became more political. He accused Paul Kagame, the military leader-turned-technocrat who’s run Rwanda since 2000, of hijacking democracy and ruling through force. He set up a party-in-exile that vowed to end Kagame’s rule. This put him in the crosshairs of a regime widely suspected of violent attacks against critics around the world, and in August 2020, he became one of its victims.

He boarded a GainJet charter flight in Dubai, heading, he thought, for an event in Burundi. Hours later, the flight, paid for in secret by the Rwandan government, landed in Kigali. After a show trial, Rusesabagina was sentenced to 25 years in prison for terrorism offenses.

Kanimba, now 29, quit her job to focus on securing her dad’s release. She flew to Belgium, where he has citizenship, to lobby European politicians. She met with his congressman and other lawmakers in the US and spoke at the UK’s House of Lords. Somehow, though, the Rwandan government was one step ahead.


Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

Shortly before her trip to Belgium, the exact MPs she planned to visit received letters from Rwanda’s foreign ministry that specifically attacked her intended arguments. Even private conversations with lawyers seemed to leak out. All the time, she says, she had an eerie sense she was being followed.

In February 2021, she learned why. Forensic analysis of her phones by Citizen Lab, a nonprofit focused on digital security, showed that for more than a year, she’d been the victim of a sustained campaign of software-based surveillance.

The attackers had used Pegasus, a program created by the Israeli company NSO Group Ltd. that’s been used to hack hundreds of phones belonging to activists, politicians and journalists around the world. Pegasus allows its users complete access to a target’s phone.

They can read messages, including encrypted ones; swipe through photos, videos, emails, contacts; activate the phone’s camera and microphone at will, turning it into a bug; and record whole phone calls.

Citizen Lab found that Pegasus had been installed on Kanimba’s phone at least five times, most likely to adapt to security updates, and used to spy on her to a degree that the researchers called “obsessive,” including listening to her conversations with US and European officials.

“I’ve lost all sense of security in my private actions and in my physical surroundings”

While Citizen Lab didn’t directly ascribe the intrusions to the Rwandan government, several other Rwandans in exile, including Kanimba’s cousin, were found to have traces of the spyware on their mobile devices. Kanimba has no doubts.

“A government [was] spending millions to literally track my every move,” she says. “It’s almost like somebody on the other side is saying, ‘What is she doing now? What is she doing now?’ So they reinfect my phone.”

The Rwandan government denies any use of NSO Group software. “This is an example of a story that the world is all too ready to believe, but for which no evidence exists,” government spokesperson Yolande Makolo said in an email.

“Rwanda does not possess and has not used this software, and we urge those who willingly believe that it has to do their research.”

In a statement, NSO Group declined to comment on its customer rolls and didn’t deny hacking Kanimba or her relatives, but did deny operating on US soil and dismissed Citizen Lab’s forensic report as inconclusive, “not independently verified and based upon probabilities and circumstantial evidence.”

Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

NSO Group and its peers sell their spyware to repressive governments in the Middle East, Africa and Southeast Asia. Supposedly democratic European governments have also been caught using it to spy on journalists, activists and political opponents.

While such tools originated in law enforcement, they’ve become weapons for espionage and intimidation that the available evidence suggests are used mainly by authoritarian governments around the world, exporting repression, fear and human-rights abuses across borders.

The global market for such tools is $12 billion, and the industry has flourished in regulatory gray areas and hidden behind the cover of national security.

Because of the way the software works, there’s essentially no way to defend against it, rendering traditional notions of digital security and privacy best practices largely obsolete. (The tried, true, unrealistic countermeasure: Don’t use computers or phones.)

Surveillance technology’s steady commoditization has also made it extremely accessible, a relatively cheap alternative to the untold billions needed to build a world-class intelligence agency. According to the New York Times, in 2016 NSO charged $500,000 to set up Pegasus and a further $650,000 to access 10 devices.

Members of the European Parliament, privacy advocates and victims like Kanimba say Pegasus and its counterparts have become genuine threats to sovereignty and security in Europe and beyond.

Civilians now find themselves targets of military-grade spyware bought on the open market.

“Sitting before you today, I’ve lost all sense of security in my private actions and in my physical surroundings,” Kanimba told the European Parliament’s committee investigating the use of Pegasus and rival spyware this past August. She spoke in French, a slight quaver to her voice. “Unless there are consequences for countries and their enablers, who abused this technology to hurt innocent people,” she said, “none of us is safe.”

Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

Spyware and intrusion-for-hire services have been available on the international market for decades. They usually relied on tricking targets into clicking a link or downloading a file that would compromise their electronic devices.

What made Pegasus different from the competition was its use of “zero-click” exploits.

The hacker can just take advantage of a flaw buried in a messaging app or mobile operating system to install itself, no links or downloads required. If you don’t know that flaw is sitting in the code that runs your phone, there’s no real way to prevent it.

These tricks often take advantage of bugs that haven’t been widely discovered. One such exploit in 2019, which was eventually uncovered by Facebook, was able to inject spyware using a missed call on WhatsApp. Another, which security researchers dubbed FORCEDENTRY, took a flaw in the way Apple Inc.’s iMessage rendered images and used it to access iPhones, Macs and Apple Watches.

A target’s only recourse against zero-click exploits is to be paranoid, to replace devices regularly without porting over any old files and to assume no conversations are truly private.

NSO Group was founded in Israel in 2010 by two tech entrepreneurs and a former Mossad operative. They adapted software that took control of smartphones remotely, originally as a means of tech support, into spyware they could sell to law enforcement and security agencies.

Hacking for hire was already an established business, but nobody had seen anything like NSO’s flagship product, Pegasus, when it debuted in 2016.

Soon, the company had scored contracts with a series of state-level clients, notably a $32 million deal with Mexico’s attorney general’s office, according to Forbidden Stories, a journalism collective that’s investigated the use of Pegasus worldwide.

Pegasus’ spying capabilities are an order of magnitude beyond earlier generations of software. It allows a user to automate the kind of surveillance that previously required flesh-and-blood spies to monitor a target at all hours.

It can remotely crack even relatively high-security devices, such as iPhones. And it allows security services to operate far outside their jurisdictions with relative impunity.

“Pegasus changes the equation around repression because it means that autocrats don’t have to invest extensively in order to export fear,” says John Scott-Railton, a senior researcher at Citizen Lab. “They don’t have to have a thug from an embassy go out to somebody’s office, or try to recruit some local toughs to scare somebody. They can achieve huge amounts of harm at the click of a button.”

NSO Group said in its statement that it promptly investigates credible allegations of misuse. “NSO has terminated numerous sovereign contracts in the last several years after determining misuse, such as using the technology for any other purpose than fighting serious crime and terrorism,” the company said. In its first transparency report, issued in 2021, NSO Group said it had 40 Pegasus clients in 30 countries.

Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

Pegasus-level capability is attractive to a government like Rwanda’s, which has a history of pursuing its opponents in exile. Since 2010 numerous defectors, journalists and political activists from Rwanda have been attacked outside the country.

Some have died. Patrick Karegeya, a former spy chief turned opposition leader, was strangled to death in a Johannesburg hotel room in 2013.

Others, like Rusesabagina and former presidential bodyguard Joel Mutabazi, have been kidnapped and brought back to Kigali. Rwandan agents and diplomats have been accused of harassing exiles in Canada and Sweden.

At the same time, Rwanda has built an image of competence in a region of Central Africa more commonly associated with governmental chaos.

Kagame’s leadership has been much praised by US and European donors, who have supported him with billions of dollars in aid money over the past 20 years. The country received more than $1.6 billion in official development assistance in 2020, according to the World Bank.

The US, UK and EU are the three largest donors, and their official assistance includes financing for security forces. Kagame’s supposed position as a trustworthy partner and a stabilizing influence in the region has meant that donors have largely turned a blind eye to regular allegations of Rwanda’s human-rights abuses and interference in neighboring countries.

Early last year, the British government announced a controversial deal with the Kagame government to send asylum seekers to Rwanda.

This past November, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that the US government has even ignored Rwandan propaganda and surveillance operations on American soil, including those targeting Rusesabagina.

The earliest evidence that Rwanda may have used Pegasus came to light in 2019, when several Rwandans were found to have been targeted using the WhatsApp exploit.

The Pegasus Project, a consortium of journalists and researchers investigating the software’s use around the world, also found details of several dozen other Rwandan exiles and critics on a list of 50,000 phone numbers they believe were Pegasus targets.

Kanimba’s family began to suspect a hack in early 2021. For the first few months of his detention, Rusesabagina had been reluctant to discuss his kidnapping, but finally he opened up to one of his local lawyers, saying he’d been tortured for four days upon his arrival in Rwanda. Back in Europe, lawyers working on his case decided he ought to sign an affidavit detailing the treatment.

They didn’t communicate the idea to the Rwandan legal team, but the next time the local lawyer visited his client, he was strip-searched, and the prison authorities went through his paperwork sheet by sheet.

“They were looking specifically for an affidavit my father was meant to sign,” Kanimba says. “But the lawyers in Rwanda did not know about this yet.”

Kanimba’s phone number hadn’t appeared on any of the leaked target lists, but researchers with the Pegasus Project suspected she might be a victim and contacted her in mid-2021.

She handed over her devices for a forensic analysis, which showed she’d been hacked multiple times since January of that year. Belgian intelligence confirmed the findings. Kanimba would later find that her US device also had traces of Pegasus.

The analysis of Kanimba’s phones, when cross-referenced with her diary, made clear the system was activated repeatedly during her visits with politicians and supporters in several countries.

These included staffers for Roger Carstens, the US special presidential envoy for hostage affairs; Texas Representative Joaquin Castro; Sophie Wilmès, Belgium’s minister of foreign affairs; and Baroness Kennedy of the Shaws, a member of the UK House of Lords. None of their offices responded to requests for comment.

“They reinfected my phone to know exactly what I’m doing, or where I am, or who I’m speaking to,” Kanimba says. Besides making her feel violated, she says, the intrusions might have undermined her campaign.

Since her dad’s kidnapping, Kanimba has had to endure relentless online attacks and smears, which she believes come from Kagame-backed troll farms.

She’s also had to combat the Rwandan government’s expensive lobbyists and public-relations firms, who’ve used heavily charged references to colonialism and Rwanda’s tragic history to blunt criticism of the regime.

But the egregious use of spyware and its use on European soil against European politicians move Kanimba’s case into the realm of national security. And it comes at a moment when European countries and other democracies are finally reckoning with the surveillance industry.

“Why do we treat this as if these people are selling biscuits?”

Last April the European Parliament opened an investigation into the use of Pegasus and related spyware against its citizens. Since then, lawmakers have barely been able to keep up with the revelations.

That same month, Greek journalist Thanasis Koukakis found that he and at least two others—another journalist and a prominent opposition politician—had been hacked using Predator, a Pegasus competitor sold by a tech company from North Macedonia called Cytrox.

Around the same time, Citizen Lab released a report alleging that at least 65 Catalan politicians, lawyers, activists and journalists and members of their families had been targeted with Pegasus from 2017 to 2020.

The Spanish government vetoed a parliamentary inquiry into the use of the spyware. Weeks later, Spain announced that the phones of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and his defense minister had also been hacked using Pegasus, allegedly by a foreign government that Spain hasn’t named.

The new scandals added to a teetering pile of unresolved crises. Members of Poland’s political opposition, including prominent Senator Krzysztof Brejza, were hacked during an election campaign in 2019. Polish state media, which supports the ruling Law and Justice party, published texts from Brejza’s phone during the election campaign.

Journalists and activists in Hungary have also been targeted: At least six have been found to have traces of Pegasus on their mobile devices. They’re suing NSO Group and the Hungarian government, alleging invasion of privacy.

“The integrity of European democracy is being affected here,” says Sophie In’t Veld, a Dutch member of the European Parliament who’s on the committee investigating Pegasus. “With every day that passes and every new revelation, we’re beginning to understand what an incredibly murky business this is,” she says. “It’s really an underworld where the vendors of spyware, criminals, Russians and governments, they all meet up and do business.”

There have been dozens of cases of Pegasus intrusions in the UK, many linked to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Victims include civil society activists, the imam of a London mosque and a PR executive working for the emir of Dubai’s estranged wife. Citizen Lab says it suspects the software may have gained access to networks of the prime minister’s office.

At least nine US State Department phones have been found to have been compromised by Pegasus. In Uganda, US diplomats and employees of the American embassy in Kampala were targeted by the software in 2021.

Bloomberg News reported at the time that Uganda was an NSO client, but Rwanda has also been accused of using Pegasus in Uganda.

The Pegasus Project reported that senior Ugandan politicians, including then-Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sam Kutesa, were targets of the spyware in 2019 or 2020. Uganda’s government accused Rwanda of orchestrating the hacking.

Spyware critics say the stream of revelations shows an industry that’s out of control and uncoupled from its stated purpose of fighting terrorism and serious crime.

“We’re seeing so many widespread abuses that the argument that these types of tools can be used to fight crime with occasional abuses on the side just really doesn’t hold up anymore,” says Joshua Franco, deputy director of Amnesty International’s technology arm, Amnesty Tech.

Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

NSO Group is facing the most pressure, including from lawsuits brought by Apple and Meta Platforms Inc., and by private individuals targeted using Pegasus. The US government put the company on its “entity list,” a trade blacklist, in 2021.

The majority stake in NSO, which is privately held, has changed owners more than once in the past few years as investors looked to offload their liability.

In July, L3Harris Technologies Inc., a US defense contractor, pulled out of the latest deal to buy the company after public outcry, and Chief Executive Officer Shalev Hulio stepped down the next month. NSO has said it will focus on sales to NATO countries.

In the meantime, the rest of the field the company spawned has continued to expand. Predator, which was used in Greece, has also been detected by Citizen Lab and Google in Armenia, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Indonesia, Madagascar, Serbia and Spain. In June, Google’s Threat Analysis Group said it had found infections of Hermit spyware, made by the Italian company RCS Labs, in Italy and Kazakhstan.

Predator and Hermit both enable zero-click intrusions. Experts say dozens of other companies could be offering similar products, and hundreds more selling less sophisticated tools.

“Nothing like this has ever existed before, where you can have a full view of every aspect of somebody’s life, and you can buy that access off the shelf,” says Aaron Shull, managing director and general counsel of the Centre for International Governance Innovation, a think tank in Waterloo, Canada.

The industry has thrived in part because it’s offered capabilities that security services in democratic countries thought they needed, as encryption on devices and freely available messaging services became too sophisticated for average spies to crack.

But its growth also shows that the intelligence community has continued to spy on ordinary citizens, according to Shull.

Artificial intelligence allows huge amounts of data to be collected, parsed and analyzed, making mass surveillance—of the kind revealed in 2013 leaks by the former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden, which included espionage against European allies—worthwhile in the eyes of security services.

Subsequent leaks have shown the extent to which US authorities, like Pegasus, have exploited previously unknown bugs they kept to themselves. “It’s awfully hard to wag your finger at authoritarian regimes when your own government is deploying similar technology,” Shull says.

Spyware Finally Got Scary Enough To Freak Lawmakers Out—After It Spied On Them

Both the EU and the US have recently tightened regulations governing the sale or resale of surveillance and intrusion tools to authoritarian governments. The US rules, announced in October, require spyware companies with a presence in the American market to obtain licenses before they export to countries the government considers high risks for human-rights abuses. The EU standards, announced in 2021, are broadly similar.

Privacy advocates want to go further—to tightly control sales of cyberweapons and ban them to governments likely to use them against civilians, as the UN’s Arms Trade Treaty does with conventional ordnance.

“We have to register them,” says In’t Veld, “in exactly the same way as the weapons trade.” She adds: “Why do we treat this as if these people are selling biscuits?”

Some groups, including Amnesty International, want a complete halt to the sale of surveillance technology until legal frameworks can catch up. Most likely, this would take the form of a multilateral treaty covering cyberweapons more comprehensively than the current framework. In April, Costa Rica became the first state to publicly call for a moratorium on spyware exports, backing calls from several UN rights bodies.

A global moratorium is unlikely, but as an interim step, a mandatory registry of spyware companies and their clients feels within reach. Forcing companies to be transparent about their capabilities and clients would be a potent tool for regulating them and opening their users to scrutiny.

To date, the industry has been held accountable only when information has been leaked or uncovered by groups such as Amnesty International, Citizen Lab and the journalists working for the Pegasus Project.

“I don’t think transparency is a magic bullet,” Amnesty’s Franco says. “But it’s a key tool for those of us who are working to actually push this along.”

Among the dozen academics and activists who spoke to Bloomberg Businessweek for this story, there was a loose consensus that the momentum has shifted toward action against the spyware industry that will outlive the latest outcry. A decade after Snowden, it’s easy to be cynical about the consequences for this kind of lawbreaking, but Kanimba’s case has power.

As a dual citizen of the US and Belgium spied on in both countries, she has legal standing as a victim of illegal surveillance. As someone who was spied on while in the presence of several government officials, she also has the attention of many lawmakers. Scott-Railton, who testified beside Kanimba to the House Intelligence Committee, says the Congress members were “visibly shocked” by her account.

In Brussels, there was a similar frisson as Kanimba delivered her message that her phone had been used to surveil the upper echelons of European politics. The further revelations from throughout the EU have turned the inquiry into “Watergate on steroids,” according to In’t Veld.

She and other reform advocates are pushing for an EU-wide registry of spyware vendors and independent oversight of security services’ hacking tools.

The European Parliament is also discussing whether and how to cut off the supply of the bugs that Pegasus and its rivals require to hack a target. These security flaws are regularly sold to the highest bidder by independent researchers, and at the moment, that’s perfectly legal.

For Kanimba, getting her father home alive remains her top priority. She has her own safety to think of, too. Despite the spotlight on her case, she believes she’s still being followed in the US and Belgium.

“In the places that I go meet friends, before I go to a cafe for a drink or a coffee with a friend, I see Rwandan officials close by sitting, sometimes at the table right next to me,” she says.

It’s important to recognize, she says, that surveillance is only part of the story. It’s a means to an end—to censor or outmaneuver her—but it’s also a step toward more violent means, of the kind that she says the world’s democracies have been slow to take on.

“After my father was surveilled, he was kidnapped, and nothing has happened yet,” she says. “No sanctions have been placed on Rwanda. He was tortured, and nothing has happened.” His continued imprisonment bodes poorly, she says, for her own safety. “If that happens to me, what does that say about what the consequences would be?”


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Canadian Bitcoin Educator Scams The Scammer And Donates Proceeds (#GotBitcoin?)

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Man Takes Bitcoin Miner Seller To Tribunal Over Electricity Bill And Wins (#GotBitcoin?)

Bitcoin’s Computing Power Sets Record As Over 100K New Miners Go Online (#GotBitcoin?)

Walmart Coin And Libra Perform Major Public Relations For Bitcoin (#GotBitcoin?)

Judge Says Buying Bitcoin Via Credit Card Not Necessarily A Cash Advance (#GotBitcoin?)

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Crypto Exchange BitMEX Under Investigation By CFTC: Bloomberg (#GotBitcoin?)

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Cryptocurrency Startups Get Partial Green Light From Washington

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US Sanctions On Iran Crypto Mining — Inevitable Or Impossible? (#GotBitcoin?)

US Lawmaker Reintroduces ‘Safe Harbor’ Crypto Tax Bill In Congress (#GotBitcoin?)

EU Central Bank Won’t Add Bitcoin To Reserves — Says It’s Not A Currency (#GotBitcoin?)

The Miami Dolphins Now Accept Bitcoin And Litecoin Crypt-Currency Payments (#GotBitcoin?)

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Bitcoin Back Near $12K As BTC Shorters Lose $44 Million In One Morning (#GotBitcoin?)

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‘I Would Buy’ Bitcoin If Growth Continues — Investment Legend Mobius (#GotBitcoin?)

Lawmakers Push For New Bitcoin Rules (#GotBitcoin?)

Facebook’s Libra Is Bad For African Americans (#GotBitcoin?)

Crypto Firm Charity Announces Alliance To Support Feminine Health (#GotBitcoin?)

Canadian Startup Wants To Upgrade Millions Of ATMs To Sell Bitcoin (#GotBitcoin?)

Trump Says US ‘Should Match’ China’s Money Printing Game (#GotBitcoin?)

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Bitcoin Rally Fuels Market In Crypto Derivatives (#GotBitcoin?)

World’s First Zero-Fiat ‘Bitcoin Bond’ Now Available On Bloomberg Terminal (#GotBitcoin?)

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Another Crypto Exchange Receives License For Crypto Futures

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Bitcoin Exchange Hits $1 Trillion In Trading Volume (#GotBitcoin?)

Bitcoin Breaks $200 Billion Market Cap For The First Time In 17 Months (#GotBitcoin?)

You Can Now Make State Tax Payments In Bitcoin (#GotBitcoin?)

Religious Organizations Make Ideal Places To Mine Bitcoin (#GotBitcoin?)

Goldman Sacs And JP Morgan Chase Finally Concede To Crypto-Currencies (#GotBitcoin?)

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