Why Are Blacks Afraid To Push For Complete Police Reform? (#GotBitcoin?)
Security Expert Says, “Confidence In Local Police Depts. Reaches A 30yr. Low” Why Are Blacks Afraid To Push For Complete Police Reform? (#GotBitcoin?)
The two largest issues with police in America is the “Qualified Immunity” protections combined with a militarized police force. The problem is so bad that even officers who kill children asleep in their beds avoid accountability while entire homes have been blown up without any material compensation for homeowners. When combined with the fact that police are the ones who investigate themselves it’s obvious why so few face criminal charges. If the average citizen had the ability to do that no crime would go punished. We need outside investigations to be conducted without a bias and we need for the average citizen to have the right to their fair day in court.
Started In 1850, This Was Once The Largest Private
Law Enforcement Organization In The World
Many conservatives who otherwise complain about unaccountable government officials consider the police department beyond reproach and say that any form of de-policing will make America less safe. Crime has decreased significantly in the past two decades, and many attribute that outcome to the proactive “broken windows” policing first advocated by James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling in a 1982 article. The theory goes that arresting offenders for minor crimes like loitering or drinking in public leads to a mien of order that in turn discourages major crimes. Citizens will be better off with, and thus prefer, police playing an active role in the community.
Surveys today, though, show citizen confidence in the police at its lowest point in 20 years. It has dropped among Americans of all ages, education levels, incomes and races, with the decreases particularly pronounced among the young and minorities.
According to a USA Today/Pew Research Center poll, only 30% of African-Americans say that they have a great deal or quite a lot of confidence in the police, and nine out of 10 say that the “police do an ‘only fair’ or poor job when it comes to equal treatment and appropriate force.” Nine out of 10 Americans surveyed say that officers should be required to wear body cameras to check police violence.
The past month has seen extraordinary killings, both by police officers and of police officers, in St. Paul, Baton Rouge and Dallas. All across the political spectrum, people agree that American policing is in turmoil. But different groups emphasize different aspects of the crisis.
Where Black Lives Matter protesters emphasize the danger of being killed by the police, Blue Lives Matter counter-protesters emphasize the risks faced by hard-working policemen. The issues are so polarizing as to leave little room for considered thought or discussion.
As an African/American security expert, I’d like to advocate taking a step back and looking at the data to begin to gain some perspective. In 2015, 41 officers were slain in the line of duty. That means the 900,000 U.S. law-enforcement officers face a victimization rate of 4.6 deaths per 100,000 officers.
Any number greater than zero is a tragedy, but the average American faces a nearly identical homicide rate of 4.5 per 100,000, and the average male actually faces a homicide rate of 6.6 per 100,000. Being a police officer is thus dangerous but not as dangerous as being an average African/American male.
In the same year, police killed 1,207 Americans, or 134 Americans per 100,000 officers, a rate 30 times the homicide rate overall. Police represent about 1 out of 360 members of the population, but commit 1 out of 12 of all killings in the United States. Many argue that these are justifiable, but are they necessary?
In England and Germany, where the police represent a similar percentage of the population as in the U.S., they commit less than one-half of 1% of all killings. Are higher rates of violence inevitable in our country with its more heavily armed populace, or can things be done to reduce the growing tensions?
Former policeman Norm Stamper’s book “To Protect and Serve: How to Fix America’s Police” provides a first-hand account of the changes in policing over the past few decades and is a useful survey of how we got here. He started as a beat cop in San Diego in 1966 and rose to be chief of police in Seattle from 1994 to 2000.
He witnessed both the more discretionary eras of policing and the advent of broken windows policing, which was first adopted in New York City in the 1990s and evolved into an aggressive form of proactive and “zero-tolerance” law enforcement that spread across the nation.
Mr. Stamper joined the force out of a desire to serve the community but quickly learned that his performance would be judged on the number of tickets he wrote and arrests he made. An experienced officer told him, “You can’t let compassion for others get in the way.” There were quotas to fill. “The people on my beat were, in a word, irrelevant,” Mr. Stamper writes.
The war on drugs was declared in 1971—then escalated in the 1980s—and Mr. Stamper noticed police increasingly treating civilians like enemy combatants. In 1994, President Clinton passed the largest crime bill in history.
It allocated $8.8 billion to hire 100,000 more police officers and $10 billion for new prisons, and it established mandatory arrests for allegations like domestic violence and mandatory life sentences for third-time drug or violent offenders—the three-strikes provision.
Incarceration rates spiked nationally. The rate at which the government incarcerates Americans is now seven times what it was in 1965.
“To Protect and Serve” is particularly disturbing in showing that, as antagonism toward and disregard for the public increased among policemen, it had few consequences. Officers do not report on their colleagues, and prosecutors are averse to punishing people with whom they must work closely.
Mr. Stamper quotes a fellow police chief saying: “As someone who spent 35 years wearing a police uniform, I’ve come to believe that hundreds of thousands of law-enforcement officers commit perjury every year testifying.” Instead of policemen serving the public, Mr. Stamper concludes, they end up viewing citizens as numbers or revenue sources.
One important lesson from economics is that unaccountable government officials will not always act on the public’s behalf.
Another account of modern policing is “A Good Month for Murder: The Inside Story of a Homicide Squad” by Del Quentin Wilber, a newspaper reporter who spent a month alongside detectives in one of the Maryland suburbs of Washington, D.C.
This attempt at a true-crime drama seems to have been meant in praise of police work, but Mr. Wilber unintentionally creates an unflattering picture. He shows us men who refer to their targets as “reptilian motherf—ers” and conduct multi-hour interrogations in the middle of the night to elicit confessions. They throw chairs against walls to intimidate suspects, lie boldly during interrogations and happily feed lines to witnesses to use in court.
One detective “jokes with [another] that he could get [a suspect] to confess to anything: ‘Have any open murders that need to be closed?’”
The Fourth Amendment to the Constitution attempts to restrict search and seizure without probable cause, but judges here grant warrants without a thought: “He just immediately signed the paper and looked at me and winked and said, ‘Good luck.’ ”
At one point, a supervisor explains that a prisoner cannot be questioned about earlier crimes without having a lawyer present. The detective retorts: “F—ing Constitution.” In the end, the policemen excuse any mistakes they made by saying they had good intentions.
A company that mistreats its customers cannot stay in business merely by saying it acted with good intentions.
The police, by contrast, are a tax-funded monopoly, paid regardless of how well they serve or protect. Citizens subject to random fines or harassment cannot turn the police away if they are unhappy with their services.
The Justice Department investigation of the Ferguson, Mo., police department last year provided an in-depth account of local politicians, police, prosecutors and judges using the legal system to extract resources from the public.
In 2010, the city finance director even wrote to the police chief that “unless ticket writing ramps up significantly before the end of the year, it will be hard to significantly raise collections next year. . . . Given that we are looking at a substantial sales tax shortfall, it’s not an insignificant issue.”
In 2013, he wrote to the city manager: “I did ask the Chief if he thought the PD could deliver [a] 10% increase. He indicated they could try.” The Ferguson police department evaluated officers and gave promotions based on “citation productivity,” and prosecutors and judges worked alongside them to collect revenue.
In a city with 21,000 residents, the courts issued 9,000 arrest warrants in 2013 for such minor violations as parking and traffic tickets or housing-code violations like having an overgrown lawn.
After the 1994 crime bill, President Clinton signed a law encouraging the transfer of billions of dollars of surplus military equipment to police departments. Mr. Stamper describes applying for military hand-me-downs of “night-viewing goggles, grenade launchers, bayonets, assault rifles, armored land vehicles, watercraft, planes and helicopters.”
The Department of Homeland Security provides $1.6 billion per year in anti-terrorism grants that police departments can use to purchase military equipment. Police in Hartford, Conn., for example, recently purchased 231 assault rifles, 50 sets of night-vision goggles, a grenade launcher and a mine-resistant vehicle.
As recently as the 1970s, SWAT raids were rare, but police now conduct 50,000 per year. The weapons and tactics of war are common among what Mr. Clinton promised in 1994 would be “community policing.”
The question is just what would happen if law enforcement toned down its zero-tolerance policies?
One of the premier defenders of the police against critics is Heather Mac Donald, a scholar at the Manhattan Institute who publishes regularly in the nation’s most popular newspapers, including this one. Her book “The War on Cops: How the New Attack on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe” organizes and builds on her articles to create a narrative that warns against adjusting police tactics or lowering incarceration rates. She takes aim at groups ranging from Black Lives Matter to “the Koch brothers [who] have teamed up with the ACLU, for example, to call for lower prison counts and less law enforcement.”
Much of the book is focused on the post-Ferguson state of policing, but it also includes some of her warnings and predictions from recent years. In a chapter drawn from a 2013 article, for instance, Ms. Mac Donald worries that in the first full year after the court-mandated 30% decrease in California’s prison population, the state’s “crime rate climbed considerably over the national average.”
And in one from 2014 she writes that the 2013 ruling that led to the elimination of “stop-and-frisk” tactics in New York has set in motion “a spike in violence.”
Yet between 2008 and 2014, homicides fell by 21% in California and 34% in New York; crime in other categories was down, too. In the very year when Ms. Mac Donald suggests crime rates were climbing in California, homicide rates fell 7%.
This was equally true for New York City after stop and frisk was outlawed; homicide rates were ultimately down 0.5% in 2014. It appears that keeping those extra 46,000 Californians behind bars or subjecting New Yorkers to 4.4 million warrantless searches between 2004 and 2013 was unnecessary for public safety.
More recently, Ms. Mac Donald has warned about a “Ferguson effect” that has led to a “rise in homicides and shootings in the nation’s 50 largest cities.” Starting in the summer of 2014, anti-police-violence protests have prompted large reductions in aggressive policing, and Ms. Mac Donald points to increases in crime in cities including Baltimore, Minneapolis, Milwaukee and Nashville.
She states that we are now seeing a “surge in lawlessness” and a “nationwide crime wave.” The latest FBI data, however, compares the first six months of 2014 and 2015 and shows that violent and property crime have both decreased in dozens of large cities, including Cleveland, Detroit, Houston, New York and Philadelphia.
From 2014 to 2015, violent crime did increase by 1.7% nationwide, but property crime decreased by 4.2%. Any data series will have some fluctuation, and even with a sustained downward trend upticks are likely.
The homicide rate, for example, has seen rises in four of the past 15 years but has fallen by 18% over the same period. To put the 1.7% “surge in lawlessness” into perspective, 2012 saw a 1.9% increase in violent crime and a 1.5% increase in property crime when zero-tolerance policing was still the norm nationwide. And such a modest increase from one of the safest years in decades did nothing to change the fact that crime remained—and remains—close to a record national low.
Ms. Mac Donald is not alone in her thinking. Gallup does an annual survey asking, “Is there more crime in your area than there was a year ago, or less?” In 14 of the past 15 years, the majority of Americans felt that crime had increased. But answering empirical questions requires looking at the numbers.
A data-driven book that does not engage in alarmism is “The Rise and Fall of Violent Crime in America” by Barry Latzer, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice. The long-term trends in violent crime he presents are telling: In 1900, the American homicide rate was 6 per 100,000 people.
During Prohibition, it increased to 9 per 100,000 but fell to 4.5 per 100,000 by the 1950s. From the late 1960s and into the 1970s, the homicide rate spiked, reaching 11 per 100,000. In the late 1970s, it started falling, increasing slightly in the late 1980s but steadily decreasing since the 1990s to the current level of 4.5 per 100,000, among the lowest in the nation’s history.
Should one attribute the decrease in crime to zero-tolerance policing and mass incarceration? It turns out that homicide rates in Canada start at a lower level but track the changes in American homicide rates almost exactly. In the past 25 years, our northern neighbor experienced equal declines in all major crime categories despite never having ramped up its policing or incarceration rates.
Those attributing all decreases in crime to increases in American law enforcement are looking in the wrong place.
As Mr. Latzer carefully says, “the jury is still out”: Violent crime rates “fell off all over the nation without any clear relationship between the enormous declines in some cities and the adoption of new policing models.”
Even though American and Canadian homicide rates rose in the late 1980s, the long-term downward trend clearly began in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Mr. Latzer concludes that the major determinants of a crime rate are likely cultural factors and economic opportunity.
The employed family man is going to be less interested in crime than the unemployed and unattached.
A month ago we heard predictions about the world economy’s impending collapse if Britain left the European Union. Yet within a week of the Brexit vote, British stock prices reached 2016 highs, and American stock prices are at an all-time high.
We can be sure that we will hear similar warnings in response to proposals for lowering incarceration rates, reducing the number of policemen, de-militarizing police departments or even privatizing much or all of what they do.
Yet, as Messrs. Stamper and Latzer point out, professional police departments were only invented a century and a half ago, and in 1865 New York incarcerated fewer than 2,000 citizens at any given time, compared with upward of 80,000 today (48 per 100,000 then versus 265 per 100,000 now).
Then, as now, societies were kept safe by numerous factors beyond government-sanctioned law enforcement. These range today from the most informal eyes on the street to the more formal million-plus private security guards currently employed in America. Around New York City, business improvement districts pay for security personnel to do foot patrols, so the relevant policy choice is not between government police or no security whatsoever.
My own research has also found a strong negative correlation between homicide rates and economic freedom in a society. Free markets let people put their passions into business to work for others’ benefit.
Restrictions on business, including minimum-wage laws that keep young inner-city residents out of the labor force, are particularly harmful.
Citizens subject to random fines or harassment cannot turn the police away if they are unhappy with their services.
We need more markets, not more government, to discourage crime. One need not assume that unionized, militarized and unpopular policemen are the only option for keeping Americans safe.
Before Leaving, Sessions Limited Agreements To Fix Police Agencies
Former attorney general had long argued that far-reaching consent decrees hurt police morale, led to more crime and represented a bad use of federal power.
In his final hours as attorney general, Jeff Sessions signed a directive limiting prosecutors’ ability to rein in police practices they believe violate civil-rights laws, a shift he had pursued for years.
Mr. Sessions had long argued that reaching the broad agreements known as consent decrees with police departments, a hallmark of the Obama administration, hurt police morale, led to increases in crime and was an inappropriate use of federal power.
He had signaled he would back away from the use of the decrees since shortly after taking office, and the memo he signed Wednesday, perhaps Mr. Sessions’ final act in government, makes such agreements much more difficult to enact.
The move was a blow to civil-rights groups with whom Mr. Sessions often feuded. Many civil-rights advocates see the court-approved consent decrees as an important tool in fighting police abuses in places such as Ferguson, Mo., and Baltimore, where high-profile, racially-charged encounters between residents and officers drew attention to patterns of misconduct.
Such agreements have been used to force departments to overhaul training on the use of deadly force and to change practices regarding treatment of minorities. The Obama administration opened far-ranging federal investigations of police departments in two dozen cities, including Baltimore, Cleveland, Seattle and Chicago, at least 14 of which ended in consent decrees.
Mr. Sessions’ memo says prosecutors now must get formal approval for such decrees from political appointees at the highest levels of the Justice Department, and that they must provide more detailed justifications for seeking the decrees. Previously, approval for the decrees was left to lower-ranking career officials.
The change also will require Justice Department attorneys to set expiration dates for the agreements. Obama-era consent decrees were often lifted only after a police department had shown evidence of improvement, and agencies could be penalized for failing to meet court-imposed deadlines.
Mr. Sessions argued that wide-ranging consent decrees are often costly for municipalities and violate their sovereignty. Police groups and conservative activists say the approach too readily finds fault with police instead of wrongdoers, tying the hands of officers rather than criminals.
Last month, Mr. Sessions formally opposed a consent decree between Chicago and the Illinois attorney general’s office, reached after a Justice Department report issued in the final days of the Obama administration found the city’s police department engaged in a pattern of excessive force, particularly involving minorities.
The Fraternal Order of Police, the nation’s largest police union, said Mr. Sessions had delivered on a promise, calling the Obama administration’s approach “heavy handed and coercive.”
The memo “would ensure that consent decrees will not be lengthy, open-ended arrangements with burdensome requirements or long-term, negative economic impacts,” the group said.
The new memo also applies to agreements between the Justice Department and other state and local government entities, such as schools, public-housing authorities and jails.
“This really makes it much less likely that consent decrees will be effective,” said Christy Lopez, a former Justice Department lawyer who worked on police-abuse investigations during the Clinton and Obama administrations.
Mr. Sessions shifted the department’s focus during his tenure, emphasizing programs to fight gang and gun crime and make it easier for police to obtain military-grade equipment, while putting fewer resources into Obama-era programs meant to overhaul police activities.
Police leaders became some of his most loyal fans, and he spent his last day on the job speaking to law-enforcement groups. “This was such a central part of his ethos,” Ms. Lopez said.
Private police services are sometimes called “Subscription-Based Patrol.”
Calls For Defunding Police Grow In Wake of Protests
Push to redirect funding toward other public services gains momentum as Congress, policy makers unveil law-enforcement reforms.
Momentum to overhaul policing across the nation gained steam on Monday, as a sweeping House bill and a push to cut funding to departments snowballed amid protests sparked by the killing of a black man in Minneapolis police custody last month.
A bill House Democrats unveiled Monday would make it easier to prosecute officers for misconduct, collect national data and establish new training programs to counter racial bias. The bill doesn’t provide any new federal funds for police departments, except where constitutionally mandated for data collection, according to Democratic aides.
Meanwhile, Minneapolis, Los Angeles and New York City and others have launched efforts to shrink or restructure their police forces and budgets. Officials in other cities, including San Francisco, Baltimore and Philadelphia, are considering similar moves.
Still, calls to pull funding from law enforcement are meeting resistance among some policy makers who back other changes.
Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey, a Democrat, said he supports “massive structural and transformational reform” but not a full breakdown of the current department. “Am I for entirely abolishing the police department? No I’m not,” Mr. Frey said Monday on Good Morning America. The police killing of George Floyd, a 46-year-old black man, in Minneapolis on May 25 sparked the recent protests that have fanned out across the country.
Activists who have sought cuts to police funding have in recent days embraced the slogan “Defund the Police.” The meaning of that message, which has appeared on countless signs and T-shirts during protests, isn’t entirely consistent, even among those supporting it.
Some, like Patrisse Cullors, a co-founder of the Black Lives Matter movement, said they eventually want to see police forces abolished entirely. Meanwhile, she would like to see at least some funding shifted from police departments toward organizations that support marginalized communities.
“It’s a powerful moment,” said Ms. Cullors. “I think that we have to really respond this time to the courage of these mayors and city council members because they’re listening to the community—finally.”
Others aren’t pushing to eliminate police departments but rather to cut funding to trim their responsibilities. Police have too many interactions with the public, they say—from monitoring high schools and answering drug-overdose emergency calls to responding to mental-health emergencies—all while heavily armed, which increases the likelihood of escalating into a violent encounter. Cutting funding and shifting responsibilities to specialists like social workers or mental-health professionals, they say, would cut down on what the police need to do and provide better outcomes for communities.
On Monday, a campaign spokesman for Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, said the former vice president “does not believe that police should be defunded.” Mr. Biden has proposed increased investments in community policing, curbing the transfer of military weapons to police departments and banning chokeholds from police.
Meanwhile, President Trump, who has sought to tie his November opponent to the defunding push, said, “We won’t be defunding our police. We won’t be dismantling our police.” The president did acknowledge that there are things that shouldn’t have happened that contributed to Mr. Floyd’s killing.
Some police, while backing the need for reforms, reject suggestions that they’re overtaxed and overfunded.
“What will we say to that victim of domestic violence who waits even longer for a police response due to shortages of personnel in the field? What do we say to the woman who was sexually assaulted, yet her assailant is still on the loose because resources are not available to locate him?” said the Los Angeles Police Protective League, the city’s police union, in a statement.
The U.S. is now in its third week of protests following the death of Mr. Floyd, whom officers arrested on May 25 for allegedly trying to pass off a counterfeit $20 bill. Video that circulated widely on social media showed a white police officer, Derek Chauvin, pressing his knee on Mr. Floyd’s neck for nearly nine minutes as Mr. Floyd pleaded for mercy and said he couldn’t breathe before losing consciousness.
Initially, the demonstrations focused largely on what happened to Mr. Floyd as well as a legacy of police abuse against black people. In recent days, protesters and activists have pushed for policy changes, with defunding at the center of those calls.
The demonstrations seem to be making an impact.
In Minneapolis a veto-proof majority of the city council agreed Sunday to begin the process of disbanding the police department.
The contours of the process aren’t yet clear, but some council members said the force would still be equipped to respond to events requiring an aggressive response.
“We’re not talking about eliminating safety,” said council member Jeremiah Ellison. “We’re talking about eliminating a system that has failed to deliver safety.”
Camden, N.J., a city of more 70,000 residents, disbanded and restructured its police force in 2013, after the city struggled with its violent crime rate. The county took over law enforcement and adopted a new community-policing and de-escalation strategy. Since that year the city has seen a 79% reduction in murder and a 59% reduction in robbery, according to data provided by Camden County.
“It’s using force as a last resort,” said Dan Keashen, the county’s director of public affairs. Mr. Keashen said the department’s budget was never defunded, but officials did reallocate how the money was spent, including by renegotiating employee benefits.
New York City Mayor Mayor Bill de Blasio, a Democrat, vowed over the weekend to shift funding from the city’s $6 billion police budget to youth and social services, though he didn’t say how much. Los Angeles Democratic Mayor Eric Garcetti has vowing to reallocate $250 million from the city’s proposed 2020-21 budget to address health and education issues in black and Hispanic communities.
While some Democrats are joining activists in calling to defund police departments, many in the party are focused on embracing other reforms.
The legislation assembled by the Congressional Black Caucus and backed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Calif.), Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D., N.Y.) and others wraps together a flurry of bills endorsed by various lawmakers with a new focus on holding police officers more accountable for misconduct.
Rep. Karen Bass (D., Calif.), chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus said Monday that she supported better funding for communities. Still, Ms. Bass was concerned the slogan “defund the police” could be a distraction.
Private Police Coming to a Neighborhood Near You! Why Private Police May Be an Important Element of Future Law Enforcement
Modern policing is a very challenging endeavor. It requires a large degree of foresight, nimbleness, adaptability, risk taking, and commitment. In addition to the practical challenges involved in reducing crime and making communities safe, law enforcement has been challenged with sharp reductions in budgets, and, thus, resources.
For instance, the number of sworn police officers in California fell from 81,286 in 2008 to 77,584 in 2011, a decline of roughly 5 percent, which translates to a 7 percent decline in the number of officers per 10,000 residents. To deal with the ongoing fiscal pressure, leaders have made some tough choices, and some departments have been forced to slash services, eliminate specialty units, and focus only on basic core functions and the most violent crimes.
In Sacramento, California, police officers no longer respond to burglaries, misdemeanors, and minor traffic accidents.
The traffic enforcement unit has been disbanded. Some detectives have been sent back to the streets. The department conducts only follow-up investigations on the most serious crimes, like homicide and sexual assault. Sadly, Sacramento is not unique.
In 2014, Camden, New Jersey, disbanded its entire police force as rising crime and a lack of funds led the city to transfer law enforcement duties to the county. Officials in Camden said that generous union contracts and declining aid from the state made it financially impossible to keep enough officers on the street. Similarly, in 2011, Millbrae, California, dissolved its police force and contracted with the San Mateo County Sheriff’s Department in an effort to save $1.1 million per year, and two other cities in that county, San Carlos and Half Moon Bay, have also dissolved their forces to contract with the sheriff’s department.
These are not isolated instances—local California governments continue to struggle with ongoing financial issues, as evidenced by the high-profile bankruptcies of Vallejo, San Bernardino, and Stockton. Fiscal constraints, high pension costs, and changing public opinion have made it much easier for local leaders to cut services, including police forces. In the future, law enforcement leaders must plan ways to provide quality service with fewer resources to their communities.
How Are Departments Coping?
Technology and new crime strategies have allowed agencies to be more efficient and effective with their resources. An example of this is online reporting. In Sacramento, citizens filed more than 18,256 online reports in 2012. The online reporting program has saved thousands of labor hours and hundreds of thousands of dollars, while also allowing officers to focus on proactive patrol and smart policing strategies.
However, online reporting is impersonal and relatively unresponsive compared to in-person reporting, and there is little to no data on whether it helps reduce crime rates. During a recent round of community meetings in Sacramento, residents expressed a clear preference for face-to-face interactions between the police and victims of crimes. Many communities complain they have not seen the money saved by such a program reinvested back into the community through increased police presence or interaction.
The online reporting solution has not appeared to make much of a difference in Sacramento, which remains in the top 10 of California cities for violent and property crimes.6 Furthermore, a recent survey of Sacramento residents showed that their number one concern was crime.
When asked if their neighborhoods had gotten better, stayed the same, or gotten worse, 33.3 percent thought their neighborhoods had gotten better or much better, 39.4 percent thought they stayed the same, and 26.6 percent thought their neighborhood was “somewhat worse” or “much worse.” The fact that about two-thirds of Sacramento residents felt their neighborhoods had either stayed the same or gotten worse in recent years reflects both a serious concern and an opportunity for change.
As police leaders must continue to create new strategies on how to best close the gaps between budgets and essential services, technology and evidence-based policing strategies will be part of the answer. However, as demonstrated by Sacramento’s experience with online reporting, those strategies cannot solve every issue. Another area left largely unexplored to date are the ways that the privatization of policing might have a significant and beneficial impact on policing in the future.
Rising Feelings of Vulnerability
A 2013 poll by Gallup revealed that 64 percent of U.S. citizens believe crime is getting worse. This number has fluctuated over the past decade or so, from a low of 53 percent in 2004 to a high of 74 percent in 2009. That statistic is concerning, when one considers that the crime rate fell significantly over the same period of time. In many communities throughout the United States, violent crime fell by more than 50 percent. So what is at work here? Why do people feel that crime is going up, when the facts show it is going down?
One factor may be the well-publicized and large-scale incidents such as school shootings; the Boston Marathon bombing; and the Aurora, Colorado, shooting have contributed to a perception that people are less safe—even as crime continues to fall. The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, intensified those perceptions, as evidenced by the resulting federal legislation permitting airline pilots to carry guns aboard flights as the last line of defense against hijackings.
The 2012 shootings at Sandy Hook Elementary created a renewed demand for the safety of school children In the United States, and schoolteachers in Israel and Thailand now carry concealed handguns on the job. In fact, in areas where the threat is considered the greatest, teachers have been given guns for free.
In the United States, people are beginning to think that the changes made in the wake of the 1999 Columbine shooting did not go far enough. For example, in Colorado, Briggsdale School District allows trained teachers to be armed at school, and, in 2014, elected officials in Ohio approved a bill that would allow school boards to designate some school employees to carry concealed firearms. The feeling that these defense strategies are needed reflects the growing sense of fear among the public.
Dwindling Police Department Resources
As a result of the reductions in police personnel, many local law enforcement agencies are struggling to provide basic service to their communities. According to New York Times columnist Kate Zernike, as budgets shrink, it is no longer possible for each community to offer a full buffet of government services.
This statement is bolstered by the fact that, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, law enforcement will grow by a paltry 41,400 jobs or approximately 5 percent of the 780,000 now employed.
When paired with the increased feelings of vulnerability, the inability of the police to provide quality service to communities has caused some neighborhoods to seek out alternatives.
“You have to walk around in your house with a gun to feel safe,” said Oakland, California, resident Alaska Tarvins, who went on to say, “We don’t have a choice. Either die or hire some security ourselves, because we can’t depend on the police department.”
That may seem extreme, but Tarvins’s statement does illustrate the attitude and frustration of some community members—and it seems the number of those feeling that way is growing. In 2014, Detroit, Michigan, Police Chief James Craig said, “There’s a number of CPL (concealed pistol license) holders running around the city of Detroit.
I think it acts as a deterrent. Good Americans with CPLs translates to crime reduction.” Despite this perspective, an armed citizenry as an alternative to the police is not viable; instead, what may be a more realistic option is to engage the private sector to protect our communities.
Alternatives To Traditional Municipal Policing
Budget reductions are forcing cities to consider more efficient alternatives to standard police services. There is a billion dollar industry poised to be that alternative. Private security companies no longer consist of the high school dropouts or the people who could not make it through the police academy.
Rather, their employees are educated, professional, and motivated workers who provide superior customer service. The United Kingdom has already begun to use private police to supplement their law enforcement services, and the concept of private companies taking on some traditional police roles is catching on in the region.
West Midlands, England, Chief Constable, Chris Sims, says his force is a good testing ground for fundamental change; by expanding the role of private police, Sims saves his agency £126 million (approximately 2.3 million USD) each year.
G4S is one of the biggest employers in the world, with 675,000 employees in Europe, Africa, and the United States.
They provided security for the 2012 Olympic Games in London and have predicted that, within five years, private companies will be running large parts of police services in the United Kingdom.
During an interview, G4S executive David Taylor Smith said, “Our view was, look, we would never try to take away core policing functions from the police, but for a number of years it has been absolutely clear to us—and to others—the configuration of the police in the UK is just simply not as effective and as efficient as it could be.” Smith went on to say that the main drivers of private sector involvement in policing were “budgetary pressure and political will.”
A similar scenario is happening in the United States. Police department budgets have been slashed, thus eliminating services, while simultaneously, some figures in politics and the media have vilified police and other public employees’ salaries and pensions.
In contrast to the slowed growth rate of law enforcement employment, by 2022, the security industry is poised to grow by 130,200 jobs (12 percent). The circumstances are ripe for private security providers to be considered a more effective and affordable public safety solution.
Many communities have already begun to contract with private security to supplement local law enforcement. Private sector companies are cheaper and focused more on customer service. In Oakland, California, several neighborhoods have hired private security to patrol their neighborhoods in response to rising crime rates and reductions in police staffing.
More than 600 Oakland households pay $20 a month for unarmed patrols in clearly marked cars to run 12 hours a day, Monday through Saturday. In Beverly Hills, California, Evidence Based Inc., a private security firm, was approved to provide armed safety personnel to protect Beverly Hills Public Schools in January 2014 at a cost of $1.4 million for 18 months of service.
The Beverly Hills Police Department had provided School Resource Officers to the city’s schools in the past, but the department had ended the program a few years prior due to staffing shortages that necessitated the reassignment of the school officers to patrol beats.
Another example of private security fulfilling core functions of law enforcement is the development of Business Improvement Districts (BIDs). A BID is a defined area in which businesses pay an additional “tax” to pay for projects within the district’s boundary. In many urban BIDs, one of the priorities funded by the fees is additional security services. BIDs have existed since the early 1980s, although they went relatively unnoticed until recently.
Now, there are more than 1,000 in the United States A 2009 RAND Corporation study of BIDs in Los Angeles, California, found that neighborhoods whose BIDs contracted for added security had significantly less crime than those without the added security.
According to the lead researcher, “These districts make a place, not such an attractive place for crimes of opportunities, such as robbery.” One of the largest BIDs in the United States, the Times Square Alliance, located in the heart of New York City, has seen similar results. The Times Square Alliance provides increased public safety through unarmed, fully trained security officers; the BID even offers canine patrols and works closely with the New York Police Department (NYPD).
Much like BIDs, private security guards are not a new concept—they have spent decades serving as the eyes and ears of private property owners. Over time, these companies have become more professional and diverse in the services that they provide, and this evolution has caught many police organizations off guard. In an era where public policing does not have the funding necessary to provide meaningful security and private security organizations are willing to provide services for less, what does that mean for law enforcement?
What Does The Future Hold?
A successful public police organization of the future will either partner with private security or offer an alternative that can compete with the private sector. One potential alternative is the employment of non-sworn civilian personnel to respond to low-priority matters traditionally assigned to police officers.
For example, the Las Vegas, Nevada, Metropolitan Police Department; the Indianapolis, Indiana, Metropolitan Police Department; and the Orange County, Florida, Sheriff’s Office all hire civilians to respond to some calls.
Essentially, civilians handle “cold” reports, dispatching duties, telephone reporting, and daytime patrols, thus freeing sworn officers to handle higher priority calls. This type of program can also save a department money. In Las Vegas, for example, the starting salary for a sworn officer is $54,000, while the starting salary for a civilian responder is $32,000.25 In Denver, Colorado, Chief Robert White plans to hire civilian staff to fill 30 positions currently held by officers, which will save the agency a projected $600,000 annually.
For some agencies, it may make more sense to partner with private security companies to pool resources. For example, camera technologies to aid in surveillance for public safety have advanced to a level where suspects may be able to be identified in almost any environment. However, most cities do not have the funds to invest in the infrastructure needed to support a robust camera system, much less the money to purchase the technology.
In addition, police departments often do not have the personnel to monitor the systems. In those types of situations, partnerships with private firms or working with BIDs may provide mutually beneficial solutions.
The founder of Rock Ventures and Quicken Loans, Dan Gilbert, has invested more than a billion dollars to revitalize downtown Detroit, Michigan, a multimillion dollar security control room has been built to monitor his properties. The security control monitors more than 300 cameras in metropolitan Detroit.
Operators can zoom in on individuals and record images. If an incident occurs, the private system works with the Detroit Police Department to identify suspects and solve crimes. Detroit’s police chief, James Craig, thinks it is a win-win for the city. “I’m hopeful that sometime in the very [near] future that the Detroit Police Department can replicate and even expand beyond the technology being used in Rock Ventures,” Craig said. “Right now, as it stands, we are invited in and use their center for major events in the downtown area, and it’s proved to be very effective.”
The trend of diminished budgets and limited resources for law enforcement agencies is likely to continue. Law enforcement leaders must recognize the world of law enforcement is changing and then look for ways to change with it so that they can successfully provide public safety moving forward. Considering strategic partnerships with private security, as well as changes in the composition of their own staffs may be the right solution for many police departments.
Special Conservators Of The Peace” — or SCOP
These private police carry guns and make arrests, and their ranks are swelling
Michael Youlen stopped a driver in a Manassas, Virginia, apartment complex on a recent night and wrote the man a ticket for driving on a suspended license. With a badge on his chest and a gun on his hip, Youlen gave the driver a stern warning to stay off the road.
The stop was routine police work, except for one fact: Youlen is not a Manassas officer. The citation came courtesy of the private force he created that, until recently, he called the “Manassas Junction Police Department.”
He is its chief and sole officer.
He is a force of one.
And he is not alone. Like more and more Virginians, Youlen gained his police powers using a little-known provision of state law that allows private citizens to petition the courts for the authority to carry a gun, display a badge and make arrests. The number of “special conservators of the peace” — or SCOPs, as they are known — has doubled in Virginia over the past decade to roughly 750, according to state records.
The growth is mirrored nationally in the ranks of private police, who increasingly patrol corporate campuses, neighborhoods and museums as the demand for private security has increased and police services have been cut in some places.
The trend has raised concerns in Virginia and elsewhere, because these armed officers often receive a small fraction of the training and oversight of their municipal counterparts. Arrests of private police officers and incidents involving SCOPs overstepping their authority have also raised concerns.
The Virginia legislature approved a bill Friday increasing the training and regulation of SCOPs. The private officers would now be required to train for 130 hours, up from 40 hours — less than the state requires for nail technicians, auctioneers and security guards.
In neighboring Washington, a similar designation called “special police” requires 40 hours of training. Maryland officials leave instruction to the discretion of employers but have no requirements. Other states have similar systems.
“There are a number of groups we regulate far more stringently than SCOPs carrying a gun,” said Virginia Secretary of Public Safety Brian Moran, speaking prior to the passage of the bill.
The conservator of the peace concept predates modern policing.
It has its origins in English common law, and the first Virginia statute was enacted in 1860 to allow proprietors of “watering places” to protect their establishments.
The designation still retains some of that informality. No authority regulates the conduct of SCOPs or addresses complaints against them, although a court can revoke their commissions. The state does not track the number of arrests they make or citations they issue.
Most SCOPs patrol corporate campuses, work for neighborhood associations or perform code enforcement for counties or cities, but Youlen has pushed the model further by creating his own “department” and turning policing into an enterprise. He contracts his services to nine apartment and housing communities in the Manassas area. That’s up from one in 2012.
SCOPs are free to call themselves “police” in Virginia, although the new bill would require court approval. Youlen recently dropped “police department” from the name of his operation, anticipating that lawmakers would restrict use of the term. It is now called Manassas Junction LLC.
Youlen, who is a former police officer, said he sees his work as a complement to the Manassas force, not a replacement for it. He said he provides the type of intensive policing, hands-on engagement with the community and attention to small problems that the city simply doesn’t have the resources or manpower to provide.
“I’m a part-time police officer and a part-time advocate,” Youlen said of his work. “And I would hope a part-time role model and steady security presence for these communities.”
On the night Youlen wrote the suspended-license ticket, he pulled his black Ford Fusion with tinted windows out of the Colonial Village Apartments around 8 p.m. Youlen, 30, spends his shifts circulating among the communities he covers until the early hours of the morning.
He deals mostly with loitering, traffic infractions, noise complaints, minor drug offenses and nuisances that can impact quality of life. He said he has never pulled his gun.
At one point during another patrol, Youlen rolled up next to two mattresses that someone had propped against a tree in a townhome community. He said he would return later to investigate and possibly issue a citation to the violator.
At another point, he checked in with the mother of a teen who had gotten into trouble with neighbors to make sure the boy was still in school and playing football. Youlen wore a black flak vest with the word “police” emblazoned across it as he talked to the woman.
Youlen said he turns any felony-type incidents, such as assaults, rapes or shootings, over to the Manassas police to handle, but if he does go to court he testifies and provides evidence in cases just as a municipal police officer would.
Youlen said he was a police officer in upstate New York before spending several years on the Manassas force. He said he left to start a private investigator service and then became a SCOP after reading about a housing community in Stafford County, Virginia, called Aquia Harbour that had its own private police force.
In many ways, Youlen’s operation functions much as any police department. Youlen has a dispatch number that residents can call and a daily blotter that he posts on the Manassas Junction website, along with fliers for suspects and notices about recent incidents. He gives reports about crime at homeowners association meetings.
In 2014, Youlen recorded 77 arrests and ticket citations and handed out 162 parking violations, according to his statistics. He responded to 221 calls for service.
Manassas City Police Chief Douglas Keen said he has concerns about Youlen, saying his presence has created confusion among citizens, magistrates and even judges. Keen said many who encounter him assume he represents the city.
“Any misunderstanding or confusion in this could greatly impact the relationships and trust within our community,” Keen wrote in an email.
Prince William County Commonwealth’s Attorney Paul Ebert said SCOPs’ lack of training and their backgrounds have sometimes undermined prosecutions, though he did not point to any specific cases. His office noted they had not had any issues with Youlen.
“The trouble of prosecuting cases from those folks is that we have to vouch for the credibility of the complainant,” Ebert said. “A lot of them are not trained and don’t have pasts that are conducive to law enforcement.”
But Crystal Terrant, owner of Burke Community Management, which manages eight properties that Youlen patrols, said calls to police have dropped dramatically since she hired Youlen.
“He’s cleaned up a lot of the petty crime and traffic stuff,” Terrant said. “He offers a sense of security to residents. He’s befriended the kids, so they respect the property more.”
A handful of incidents involving SCOPs in Virginia and nationally have focused attention on the training and oversight of private police.
In 2009, a SCOP who owned a private security firm got into a heated argument with a woman over parking at a Newport News, Virginia-area shopping center, according to court records.
Kevin Bukowski hemmed in the woman’s vehicle, and then he and a partner pointed their guns directly at the woman and a friend as they sat in their car with two children, court records show. Bukowski was convicted of abduction, and the state revoked his SCOP registration in 2012.
“I was unjustly punished, but there are a lot of problems with the system,” Bukowski said of SCOPs. “You got these guys running out there as security officers who couldn’t make it as police officers.”
In another incident in 2012, a SCOP on a motorcycle with flashing lights and various law enforcement-style stickers pulled over a Virginia State Police special agent driving on I-64 near the Hampton Roads Bridge-Tunnel, according to court records.
The SCOP asked the officer why he was going so fast. The officer replied, “Who are you?” and flashed his badge, according to court records. The SCOP then rode off.
The officer said the man on the motorcycle was likely a SCOP named Michael Tynan, who runs a security officer training academy in Virginia Beach, Virginia.
Portsmouth, Virginia, police questioned Tynan after he was seen conducting another traffic stop in 2013, according to the court documents. He told officers his SCOP status allowed him to perform traffic stops. He also said he was a retired state trooper but later admitted he failed out of the academy.
The Virginia Attorney General’s Office moved to strip Tynan of his SCOP commission in Portsmouth in 2013, and Tynan agreed to surrender it.
In an interview, Tynan said he was unaware of the allegations and would have challenged them if he had known about them. “I categorically deny these things,” Tynan said.
The government’s motion to vacate Tynan’s SCOP commission in Portsmouth said he was “unfit for an appointment,” but state records show Tynan is still registered as a SCOP in Virginia Beach.
Backers note that SCOPs can play a valuable role and that problems are rare.
John Hall, president of American Security Group in Richmond, Virginia, said his company employs SCOPs. He said they provide an affordable way to boost security for many communities.
“There’s a void in a lot of the [homeowner’s associations], light rails and business parks,” Hall said. “There has to be some type of role there between public and private.”
Experts say Virginia’s increase is SCOPs is part of a nationwide uptick in private security that began in the 1970s and accelerated after the Sept. 11 attacks. The number of private security guards — nearly 1.1 million — dwarfs the 640,000 public police officers, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
While the numbers have increased, training has not kept pace. A 2012 study from a University of Illinois College of Law assistant professor found that private police are “chronically undertrained” and nearly a third nationwide face almost no regulation.
States other than Virginia have faced issues as well. In 2012, more than 20 residents of the Cherry Hill neighborhood of Baltimore filed a $25 million lawsuit against a Cleveland security company, claiming its guards had abused residents and violated their civil rights by stopping them illegally and making false arrests. Two of the three guards named in the suit were “special police,” a designation similar to SCOPs in Virginia.
In 2005, a special police officer tasked with guarding government buildings in Washington was convicted of a felony after carrying out an armed robbery in Georgetown using the revolver issued by his security company.
To become a SCOP in Virginia, an individual must register with the Virginia Department of Criminal Justice Services. That requires the applicant to pass a criminal background check and an alcohol and drug test. The new bill ups the training requirement to 130 hours for armed SCOPs — still far less than the 580 to 1,200 hours required of municipal police officers in the state.
The individual then petitions a circuit court to be commissioned with the sponsorship of an employer.
Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe is expected to sign the bill increasing training and regulation for SCOPs. Sen. Thomas Norment Jr., who sponsored it, said he would like to eventually bar SCOPs from calling themselves police and using flashing lights. The current bill allows them to do both, with the permission of the courts.
“I’m pleased with the progress, but there is still some work to do,” Norment said.
Minneapolis City Council Advances Plan To Abolish Police Department
Council took first step toward putting change to city’s charter on November ballot.
The Minneapolis City Council on Friday took the first step toward abolishing its police department and replacing it with a department of community safety and violence prevention, the latest fallout from the killing of George Floyd by a city police officer last month.
The council on Friday unanimously approved sending to a public commission a proposed charter amendment that could ultimately end up on the November ballot.
“No singular action is going to undo longstanding systemic oppression, racial oppression,” said Councilmember Jeremiah Ellison, one of the authors of the proposed amendment. “This is one action of many that we need to take on the road to a more equitable and just system that keeps people safe.”
Mayor Jacob Frey said later Friday that he opposed the proposed amendment for its lack of clarity and blurring of clear lines of responsibility.
“Will we still have police?” he asked. “If you vote for this, are you voting to abolish the police department or is this merely a cosmetic change where you add a bureaucratic layer, you change the name to peace officer and give them different uniforms?”
For the amendment to make it onto the November ballot, it must be submitted by Aug. 21, so the council streamlined its process to make that possible, referring the matter to the Minneapolis Charter Commission, which will hold the only public hearing on the matter, and its own policy committee.
The mayor said he supports a full revamping of the culture of the police department by making changes to the police contract that will make it easier to fire officers who misbehave. Currently, 45% of police firings are overturned in arbitration, he said.
Mr. Frey also said the new charter would diffuse responsibility since the head of public safety will report to 14 people, including the 13 council members and the mayor, instead of just the mayor.
“If this is about me,” he said. “There’s an election next year.”
Mr. Floyd was killed May 25, after police were called to investigate someone who had allegedly tried to use a counterfeit $20 bill. Former officer Derek Chauvin, who is white, was captured on cellphone video with his knee pressed to the neck of Mr. Floyd, who is black, for around eight minutes, while junior officers held down his arms and legs and a fourth officer kept witnesses away.
All four officers were fired. Mr. Chauvin has been charged with second degree murder and the other officers have been charged with aiding and abetting second-degree murder.
The killing set off protests across the country and widespread arson and looting in the Twin Cities, including the burning of a police precinct.
A majority of city-council members pledged during one protest to abolish the police department. The proposed amendment language says the police will be replaced with a new entity that will take a “holistic, public-health oriented approach” to public safety.
It says the new head of the department shouldn’t come from a law-enforcement background, but possibly from community health or restorative justice.
The new department could have a division of law enforcement with licensed “peace officers,” the proposed charter language says. The head of that division would be named by the head of the new department, subject to approval by the mayor and council.
Council members described the proposed charter amendment as an effort to remove one possible roadblock to revamping how the city deals with public safety in the wake of Mr. Floyd’s killing, but not the end of their push for change.
Councilwoman Alondra Cano, another sponsor of the amendment, said it is part of yearlong effort to engage the community in how it handles public safety.
“The people of Minneapolis can choose how they want to show up for each other when people need help,” she said. “We are going straight into the architecture of how safety is provided for our community.”
A Black Mathematician Says Scholars Need To ‘Engage’ on Predictive Policing
The algorithms won’t go away, so it’s important to make them fair, says Daniel Krashen of Rutgers.
Mathematicians are hotly debating whether to withhold their support from “predictive policing,” which is the use of algorithms to forecast where crimes will occur and who might commit them. “Given the structural racism and brutality in US policing, we do not believe that mathematicians should be collaborating with police departments in this manner.
It is simply too easy to create a ‘scientific’ veneer for racism,” says a letter submitted to Notices of the American Mathematical Society on June 15. More than 1,500 researchers have joined the boycott, according to Popular Mechanics.
But a Black mathematician at Rutgers University, Daniel Krashen, argues in the math journal’s October issue that disengagement is the wrong answer. Here’s an excerpt:
Police patrolling will not simply end. If mathematicians, scientists, and others don’t come together to help formulate algorithms about patrolling, we can do little to influence the potential bias that the police can (and likely will) bring. But if the algorithms used by the police are transparent, and placed in a forum of public scientific discussion, we can work together to find potential sources of bias and inequity, and address them.
If the algorithms aren’t available, if the police obtain them through businesses that keep them confidential, this conversation can never happen, and this is when society will really suffer.
I don’t think this is the time for academics to walk away from the conversation with the police or with other institutions and companies, but rather now is the time to go deeper, to analyze how particular algorithms are used, to push for maximal transparency, and to try to identify and correct bias where we can.
Krashen writes that predictive policing is outside his fields of expertise (which happen to be noncommutative algebra and arithmetic geometry) but says he’s been familiarizing himself with the literature. “As scientists,” he writes, “we need to engage with the algorithms that do exist, to test them, to critique them, and to work to fix them when needed.”
Algorithms don’t have to be harmful. In some cities they’re being used to “predict when police will go rogue,” according to a July article in Bloomberg Businessweek by Joshua Brustein.
Bloomberg Opinion columnist Cathy O’Neil wrote in June that algorithms could be used to figure out how much of someone’s crime risk is related to factors such as poor mental health and divert some money from police and prison budgets to directly address those underlying conditions.
“Weapons of math destruction,” as O’Neil called them in her book of that title, probably can’t be banished, but it should be possible to use them for good, not evil.
Big Ballot Win On Police Reform
Post-George Floyd police reform.
In Los Angeles, voters approved a measure that comes the closest to following the ideals of the defund-the-police movement. Measure J would allocate funding for social service alternatives to the criminal justice system.
While the measure doesn’t dictate where those funds should come from, it’s not unlikely that at least some of the funds for the program will come from law enforcement budgets. The initiative requires that 10% of general local revenue go toward the initiative, and backers hope it will be a national model for reform.
A San Francisco measure to remove a minimum required number of police officers in the city is also poised to pass. The measure is in some ways symbolic: The city hasn’t been following the minimum in recent years. But the provision comes with other requirements to reassess resources, which have remarkably widespread support: Both proponents of reform and the city’s police chief hope the process will spur new scrutiny of law enforcement needs.
Several other measures to improve police oversight boards passed handily, including one in San Fransisco, Columbus, Ohio; and Portland, Oregon.
Police In Cities Across U.S. Brace For A Violent Summer
Lifting of Covid-19 restrictions, rise in gun purchases have officials on edge heading into warmer months.
Police departments in New York City and other large metro areas across the U.S. are bulking up patrols and implementing new tactics to prepare for what they say could be a violent summer.
States lifting Covid-19 restrictions and more people out in public spaces in warmer weather increase the likelihood of more shootings, as well as less-serious crimes, officials say. Many crimes, including violent ones, normally rise in summer. Gun purchases also rose during the pandemic and cities have seen an increase in guns being used in crimes.
Shootings and homicides in big U.S. cities are up this year again after rising last year. In the last three months of 2020, homicides rose 32.2% in cities with a population of at least one million, according to the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Quarterly Uniform Crime Report.
In New York City, the number of homicides has reached 146 for the year so far, an increase of 27% from 115 during the same period in 2020. In Dallas, police have counted 75 homicides this year, up from 58 during the same period last year. Chicago police have recorded 195 homicides, up from 160 in the year-ago period.
“We’re coming out of the pandemic, life is starting again and more people are going to be out on the street,” said the Jersey City, N.J., director of public safety, James Shea.
The Jersey City Police Department is increasing the deployment of officers to foot posts in high-crime areas, expanding the department’s closed-circuit video system and holding public meetings to improve relations with the community, he said.
In Dallas, the city’s Violent Crime Reduction Plan includes provisions for the deployment of officers this summer to the city’s hot spots, where much of the violent crime is committed, Police Chief Eddie Garcia said.
The pandemic interfered with efforts by the police in Washington, D.C., to visit communities in person last year and spend time with residents face-to-face, said Robert Contee, chief of the city’s Metropolitan Police Department. This year, he said he believes more officers will be out in communities, building relationships.
“You wouldn’t see a lot of that last year, and we certainly want to do more of that because I think that that’s how you get to safer communities, by engaging community members of where they are,” Chief Contee said.
The MPD has recorded 69 homicides so far this year, up from 52 during the same period last year. Last year the city had 198 homicides, up from 166 in 2019, according to police.
New York Police Department officials are dispatching 200 officers and adding patrols to 100 blocks in the city with the highest levels of gun violence. The city saw one of its most violent summers in 2020, recording the most shootings since 1996.
“The warmer months always usually give us more problems when it comes to violence,” said NYPD Chief of Department Rodney Harrison.
Chief Harrison said gang activity accounted for about half of the shootings in the city. He said officers struggled to solve cases during the pandemic in part because the NYPD’s relationship with residents suffered in 2020, when thousands attended demonstrations against police brutality and racism.
The NYPD would work this summer to rebuild the trust of potential witnesses to crimes by meeting with residents, community leaders and members of neighborhood groups, Chief Harrison said. The reopening of bars and other establishments may reduce violence at illegal nightclubs, which flourished during the pandemic, he said.
Police have made more arrests for gun-related crimes this year, but the effort so far has failed to slow the pace of shootings, NYPD officials say. The officials said they are also expanding the use of technology that identifies the sound and location of gunfire.
In New York City, the number of shootings for the year so far is 451, up 86% from 242 in the same period in 2020.
Additional officers have also been deployed in recent weeks to Manhattan business districts, including Times Square, where a shooting occurred May 8 in the afternoon, according to the officials. The shooting happened after a dispute among a group of men, according to the officials. Three bystanders—a 4-year-old-girl and two women—were injured when they were hit by stray bullets.
Mayor Bill de Blasio said after the shooting that the city is being flooded with illegal guns. He has called for stricter gun-control laws at the federal level.
Many illegal guns seized by police in New York City are purchased out of state and brought into the city, where they are subsequently sold locally, according to NYPD officials. A gun-trafficking route that starts in the South and is known as the Iron Pipeline has been active during the pandemic, the officials said.
Police Violence Deaths Are Twice As High As Official U.S. Count, Study Finds
Researchers estimate 30,800 people have been killed by police from 1980 to 2018 — far more than government data has captured.
More men died of police violence than of testicular cancer, or lymphoma, or STDs in the U.S. in 2019. Depending on where you get your information, that could come as a surprise, or a grave confirmation.
A new study published in The Lancet found that a government-run database has undercounted the number of deaths at the hands of police in the U.S. by more than half.
That’s unacceptable, said Fablina Sharara, one of the lead authors of the report and a researcher for the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington. “We rely on official statistics for every other cause of death: for cancer, for example, or homicide,” she said. “From our perspective, it’s important for the official statistics to be accurate for every cause.”
They found that the official U.S. count of causes of death, produced by the National Vital Statistics System (NVSS), likely didn’t represent 55.5% of the true total deaths from police violence that occurred over four decades. The actual number of police deaths was 30,800 between 1980 and 2018, researchers estimated.
The undercount was most pronounced among non-Hispanic Black victims, who had the highest mortality rate: Of an estimated 9,500 deaths, only around 3,800 were officially logged.
“When you undercount, you’re now scientifically making it nearly impossible to make good policy decisions,” said Edwin G. Lindo, the assistant dean for Social & Health Justice at the University of Washington School of Medicine, who reviewed the findings of the study. “When you are undercounting an individual who had a fatal encounter with police, you are now effectively erasing the historical fact of what was their death and how it occurred.”
The fact that the government has been undercounting police-involved deaths is not a new revelation: Over the last few years, several news outlets and independent organizations started their own alternative databases precisely to address this problem and determine the true scope of police violence. These open source projects have depended on news reports, crowdsourcing and other research that includes coroners’ diagnoses or official death records obtained by public records requests. Despite the evidence from these projects that government sources had deficient information, the NVSS rate of underreporting has changed little over time, researchers said.
The new study documents the extent of that cumulative undercount over several decades, and points the way to creating a more centralized and transparent national resource that follows some of the standards open source projects have created.
The three databases the researchers studied, Mapping Police Violence, Fatal Encounters and The Guardian’s The Counted, only collectively hosted data covering 2000 to 2019, and used different metrics to classify what factors police played in violence. The Guardian’s program has already ended, its methodology was considered by researchers to be the gold standard, in spite of its relatively short duration. So, using a predictive model that applied similar methods across decades, researchers established a model to estimate the scale of deadly police violence.
Discrepancies in the official count can be driven by a variety of factors, many of which are influenced by racial bias, researchers say. Often, the coroners or medical examiners who first identify cause of death are embedded within police departments or consult with law enforcement, which researchers say could introduce conflicts of interest. They’re also typically elected or appointed: If police unions are donating to their campaigns, Lindo posits, that could introduce a financial incentive that skews accurate accounting.
“One way to mitigate that is for medical examiners or coroners to have more independence from those departments,” said Eve Wool, another lead author on the report and a researcher for the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation.
Training matters, too: Sometimes, police-involved deaths are miscategorized as homicides or suicides, in part because there’s no standardized process to ask about if — and how — a police officer was involved in the death.
The study’s estimate comes with its own caveats: News accounts are subject to their own biases that may obscure true causes of death, and the information available to the public is not always complete. Instead of relying solely on open source models, which may themselves be both under- and over-inclusive, creating a clearer and more rigorous process for medical personnel to follow during these investigations could ensure better reporting, the researchers advise.
Lindo goes further, suggesting that cities could introduce accountability mechanisms to ensure that practitioners who don’t accurately report causes of death could be subject to questioning, which could potentially lead to de-licensure, fines and even more oversight, he said.
By analyzing these trends long term, researchers confirmed that rates of police violence have been fairly constant since 1990 — and that racial disparities in that violence have persisted for even longer. According to their analysis, Black Americans die at 3.5 times the rate of white Americans due to encounters with the police.
After the Black Lives Matter protests of the last year, and the renewed attention on the individual stories of those killed by police, it’s important to ensure the scope of the national problem is accurately represented, Lindo says. “You can’t actually declare progression or a decrease in anything if we’re not collecting the most accurate and most reliable data.”
Using only the metrics published by the NVSS, George Floyd’s death might have been one of those missing data points. The original press release from the Minneapolis police department, after all, didn’t directly implicate officers, and the preliminary report from the medical examiners’ office mentioned both the police restraint and Floyd’s underlying health issues and drug use as potential causes of death. Without video evidence and the subsequent trial, the true link to police violence may have gone unexamined.
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